By Akira Miura
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Additional resources for An Integrated Approach to Intermediate Japanese (Revised Edition)
13) Structure of the Place node (a) Consonants C-place (b) Vowels C-place vocalic V-place aperture open Labial Coronal Dorsal [±anterior] [±distributed] Labial Coronal Dorsal [–anterior] [±distributed] In Clements and Hume’s theory front vowels are defined as Coronal and back vowels as Dorsal. The feature [±back] is seen as superfluous, on the assumption that palatals are Coronal (Hume 1994, 1996), while central vowels are seen as lacking both a Coronal and a Dorsal node (Clements and Hume 1995: 277, Kenstowicz 1994: 465, Steriade 1995: 151).
Taken to its logical conclusion, it implies a complete decomposition of the segment into a set of features which all could act independently of each other. Without further constraints imposed, this implies that any set of features in principle can define a natural class, for example in assimilation processes. But in works such as Clements (1985), Sagey (1990) and McCarthy (1988) it has been pointed out that this is not in accordance with the facts. The set of attested phonological interactions between groups of features is clearly a subset of the set predicted by an unconstrained, autosegmental model, which was therefore seen as too powerful.
An important point about the distribution of schwa in UEN is that stress reduction in Norwegian may not neutralize all vowels in schwa, as in English and Dutch; only /e/ may systematically alternate with schwa in stress reduction. This suggests that schwa should not be seen as an independent segment, but as a realizational variant of /e/. The analysis of schwa proposed here therefore differs from that proposed for other Germanic languages such as Dutch (Booij 1995) and German (Wiese 1986), where schwa is seen as a separate entity in the vowel system that can only occur in unstressed syllables.